Chapter 2

Chaptere 2

2.1 The significance of identity to this study

Understanding the concept of identity is essential to this research, since it influences how people perceive their sense of belonging, exclusion, and validation in social environments. In the context of education and societal change, inquiries such as ‘Who am 1 I?’ and ‘Who are we?’ become crucial to the way individuals navigate institutions, relationships, and their histories. This book aims to examine identity as a dynamic, situational, and complex construct influenced by various overlapping social markers and discourses.

2.2 The conceptual framework for this study

This section establishes a conceptual framework by examining significant literature on identity. It primarily relies on sociological and narrative viewpoints to set the stage for the subsequent discussion. The review incorporates both global frameworks and insights from South Africa, focusing on the ramifications of applying models developed in the Global North. The aim is to place identity formation in context, not 2 only through psychological or sociological lenses but also through locally rooted understandings, such as Ubuntu and post-apartheid narratives of becoming. This approach provides a more intricate perspective that embraces both universal structures and culturally specific experiences.

In post-colonial, post-apartheid South Africa, the inquiry into identity transcends academic interest. The end of apartheid in 1994 presented what Singh (1997) refers to as a “historical opportunity” for South Africans to redefine their identities and values. However, this opportunity is marked by inequality and contention. In such a context, identity evolves into a battleground – navigating between the past and the present, between imposed labels and emerging self-concepts. Thus, tackling the issue of identity is crucial for any discourse on social inclusion, educational fairness, and narrative equity. We employ 3 an intersectional and narrative sociological approach to delve into identity. This perspective is informed by significant scholars such as Bhabha (1994), Wenger (2000), and Somers (1994), while also incorporating the multiple dimensions of identity models by Jones and McEwen (2000) and Abes, Jones and McEwen (2007). These frameworks facilitate an examination of how identity is negotiated amid changing contexts and social indicators, including race, gender, class, sexual orientation, and culture. This work is significantly influenced by the convergence of global and local knowledge systems – Western sociological models are paired with concepts rooted in African humanism, like Ubuntu, to explore the relational and communal aspects of identity. This is essential because Western frameworks often prioritise individualised and sometimes conflicting notions of self versus others. In contrast, Ubuntu and similar perspectives highlight interdependence, accountability, and collective existence.

Just as a chameleon changes colour in a new environment, changing contexts also influence identity formation. Identity is not a fixed or static entity, but a reflective process (Brown, 2022). Identity is continually reshaped and rewritten over time as a result of changing contexts. A sociological approach to identity formation focuses on the influence of social context on identities, including factors such as class, gender, and ethnicity (Delmotte, 2022). New contexts and new relationships lead to new experiences that we reflect upon; thus, stories are constantly reshaped and rewritten. Since identity is fluid and variable as individuals move between contexts and relationships, narrative identity will also be fluid and variable. Although identity is fluid and multiple, the degree to which individuals are able to reshape their identities depends on their access to the linguistic, social, and cultural resources that are valued within a specific discourse (Lewis, Enciso & Moje, 2020). Identities are formed within the sociocultural realities of daily practices and relationships, and consequently, “identity is never a priori, nor a finished product; it is only ever the problematic process of access to an image of totality” (Bhabha, 1994: 51).

Since identity is not a finished product, it is something that is continuously negotiated and navigated. On the one hand, we define ourselves by who we are within a familiar community context, as well as by who we are not, depending on communities to which we do not belong (De Fina, 2011). On the other hand, however, relationships change as we begin to move between contexts. In line with this, narrative identity formation assumes that multiple stories of history and culture are embedded in individuals (Somers, 1994). In this regard, Wenger (2000) refers to the interconnectivity and negotiated roles that individuals experience when bridging spaces and relationships. Socialisation strengthens the individual’s sense of belonging and focuses on connectivity and community (Jaiswal, Magana & Ward, 2022). As individuals move between contexts, the negotiation and navigation of relationships and histories take place. However, the formation of meaning depends on the interaction between individuals’ social competence (what is necessary to be recognised within a particular community) and their personal experience of the social world (Wenger, 2000).

Singh (1997) asserts that since the end of apartheid in 1994, South Africans have had a historical opportunity to reshape their identities by gaining a new understanding of who they are and what they value. Embedded in each individual are stories of their community, history, language, culture, and country. However, these stories change over time and are therefore continuously reshaped. Negotiation and navigation to adapt to or fit into a context also involve the mediation of multiple identity dimensions such as race, gender, sexual orientation, class, culture, and language.

Jones and McEwen’s (2000) model of multiple dimensions of identity, as seen in Figure 2.1, illustrates the fluid and dynamic nature of identities. The core is illustrated as a personal identity (intrapersonal) and integrates the personal characteristics of the individual. The circles represent the different dimensions of identity (interpersonal) such as race, gender, class, sexual orientation, religion, and social class. Individuals continuously attempt to position themselves in order to develop a sense of place. Social categories overlap around the core, indicating that “no one dimension may be understood singularly; it can only be understood in relation to other dimensions” (Jones & McEwen, 2000). These dimensions become more or less prominent as they integrate with contextual factors such as family background, sociocultural conditions, current life experiences, and career decisions.

Figure 2.1 Model of multiple dimensions of identity

Source: Jones and McEwen (2000)

Jones and McEwen (2000) expanded their model in collaboration with Abes et al. (2007) (see Figure 2.2) to include meaning-making in the model, illustrating the interactive nature of the relationship between context, meaning-making, and identity dimensions. Meaning-making serves as a filter to help people make sense of the contexts that influence them. Within a specific context, a particular category can acquire a unique meaning. Individuals’ understanding of their identity dimensions is negotiated by the context in which they operate. Therefore, the stories people tell will capture the negotiation of identity dimensions within specific contexts, and reveal the multiple nature of identities and narrative identities.

Figure 2.2 Reconceptualised model of multiple dimensions of identity

Source: Abes et al. (2007)

Since identities are fluid and variable as individuals move between contexts and relationships, stories are continuously reshaped and rewritten. Individuals’ experiences of their interactions within the broader community are embedded in the stories they tell, thus contributing to the formation of their narrative identities.

2.3 Theoretical framework

2.3.1 Social identity theory

Social identity theory (SIT) is still a foundational and highly pertinent concept in modern social sciences. It serves as a key framework for understanding group interactions, the development of identity, and discrimination between groups – topics that are essential to the study of identity in academic settings. Although it was introduced in 1979, SIT has been progressively enhanced, refined, and utilised in various areas such as education, organisational behaviour, and relations between groups. Its lasting significance is rooted in its ability to explain how individuals find meaning and self-esteem through their group memberships and how these memberships influence their experiences of belonging and marginalisation.

The use of SIT is especially appropriate for the narratives in this book, as it clarifies the ways in which identity roles are formed in the academic environment – an environment shaped by both overt and covert group affiliations that influence acknowledgement, integration, and advancement in careers. Given that social identity is closely linked to professional identity, particularly for women in academia who are balancing caregiving responsibilities with institutional expectations, this theory provides a strong foundation for examining the marginalisation and resistance stemming from identity issues.

In this book, racism is defined as a system of oppression rooted in the social construction of race, which involves the distribution of power and resources favouring one racial group over others (Bonilla-Silva, 1997). It encompasses both personal biases and the institutional frameworks that perpetuate racial disparities. The concept of ‘extreme othering’, framed through SIT, highlights the act of dehumanising and marginalising those in an ‘out-group’ to reinforce the dominance of the ‘in-group’. This dynamic intersects with racism, as racialised communities are frequently cast as the ultimate ‘other’, particularly in scenarios where race, gender, and class converge to influence access, mobility, and perceived worth. In the context of post-apartheid South Africa, these forces are exacerbated by a historical backdrop of racialised social engineering, which continues to influence who is included, who is marginalised, and who receives heightened visibility within academic institutions.

Figure 2.3 below presents a summary of SIT, as explained by Tajfel and Turner (1979).

Figure 2.3 Social identity theory

Source: Age-of-the-Sage (n.d.)

Social identity is defined by an individual’s perception of themselves based on their affiliations to certain groups. Tajfel and Turner (1979) suggest that these groups could encompass an individual’s social class, family, religious community, sports team, among others, and are typically significant contributors to one’s pride and self-esteem. For additional examples of groups, consult Figure 2.4. Consequently, groups furnish individuals with a sense of social identity – a feeling of belonging to the societal sphere. To bolster our self-image, we often elevate the standing of the group we are part of. For instance, supporting the Springbok rugby team might induce the following statement: “The Springboks are the best globally.” Moreover, in striving to elevate their self-image, groups might indulge in discrimination and espouse prejudiced attitudes against an external group, defined as a group to which they do not belong. An apt illustration of this is: “The All Blacks rugby team are a group of losers!” In this way, individuals classify the world into ‘them’ and ‘us’ via a mechanism of social categorisation, thereby assigning people to social groupings. This exemplifies what Tajfel and Turner (1979) designate as the in-group (us) and the out-group (them). A primary proposition of SIT is that members of an in-group will attempt to identify adverse characteristics in an out-group, thereby improving their self-image. The risk inherent in this behaviour is that when these prejudiced opinions are directed at specific cultures, it can foster racism. In its most extreme form, racism can culminate in severe actions of cruelty, such as the Holocaust in Germany against the Jews, or the ethnic cleansing in Rwanda between the Hutus and Tutsis. The apartheid policy under the National Party government is yet another instance of the way extreme racism can lead to inhumane behaviour (Suhanto & Zhouneil, 2021).

Tajfel and Turner (1979) posit that stereotyping, interpreted here as sorting individuals into various groups and classes, stems from a normal cognitive process. According to this perspective, individuals tend to cluster objects together and sort them to comprehend and derive meaning from situations, often leading to exaggeration. Consistent with this view, Tajfel and Turner (1979) suggested that assessing others as either “us” or “them” involves three psychological stages. The initial stage, termed social categorisation, involves people classifying objects to recognise and understand them. Similarly, they classify both others and themselves to grasp the social milieu. During this categorisation process, individuals utilise social categories such as Black, White, Christian, Muslim, student, or taxi driver, among others, because they perceive these categories as practical. The second stage, known as social identification, involves individuals embracing the identity of the group with which they have aligned themselves. For instance, if a person identifies as a student, it is likely they will assume a student identity and start displaying behaviours that align with typical student conduct. The third and final stage is called social comparison. Once individuals have labelled themselves as members of a group and identified with it, they are likely to compare their group with others (Ashforth & Mael, 1989). To preserve their self-esteem or status, it is essential for their chosen group to be viewed favourably in comparison to other groups.

Figure 2.4 Intersectionality in the workplace

Source: Nybo and Genefke (2023)

2.3.2 Cycle of socialisation

The cycle of socialisation, as described by Harro (2000a), serves as a significant framework for comprehending how individuals are conditioned into systems of inequality from the moment they are born. It illustrates how oppressive norms and roles are learnt, ingrained, and maintained, often unconsciously, through family dynamics, educational systems, media influence, religion, and cultural institutions. In the context of South Africa, this cycle is especially pertinent. It provides insight into how the legacies of apartheid persist through deep-rooted societal norms, even with formal changes in legislation or policy. The cycle emphasises why change occurs at a slow pace, how individuals may inadvertently continue oppressive practices, and what is required to disrupt these cycles through increased critical awareness and collective efforts. This framework closely relates to the conversation surrounding identity, othering, and intersectionality, demonstrating how identity categories are socially constructed and supported through ongoing systemic reinforcement.

Each person is born with a unique set of social identities, such as gender, ethnicity, skin colour, native language, age, ability, status, religion, sexual orientation, and economic class. These individuals are then influenced by powerful sources in their environments to assume roles imposed by an unfair social structure (Hardiman & Jackson, 1997). It is essential to note that the socialisation process is widespread, consistent, self-supporting, self-sustaining, and often invisible (Bell, Adams & Griffin, 2007). People receive systematic guidance on how to inhabit each of their social identities throughout their lives. Figure 2.5 outlines the different stages of the socialisation cycle and illustrates how this process develops, its origins, its effects on individuals, and its self-sustaining nature.

Figure 2.5 The cycle of socialisation

Source: Harro (1997)

2.3.2.1 Heading 3 heading check

The beginning

Harro (2000a) posits that human socialisation starts even before birth and individuals have no say in it. Social identities are bestowed at birth without the individuals having any influence or choice. Thus, it is unreasonable to hold others accountable or blame them for their identities. The initial stage of the socialisation process is beyond their control and they have no awareness of their identities. Additionally, humans enter a world where the mechanisms, assumptions, rules, roles, and oppressive structures are already established and operational. As a result, individuals unwittingly enter an old system. The characteristics of this system were formed long before people existed and are built on history, traditions, beliefs, prejudices, stereotypes, and myths. Harro identifies two groups – dominant and subordinate. Dominant groups are viewed as the ‘norm’ and are inherently privileged, with access to a range of opportunities, often unknowingly. Being born into these groups is considered ‘lucky’, including those who are able-bodied, middle-aged, heterosexual, and not Jewish. On the other hand, subordinate groups are those less studied or regarded as less important. They can be nearly invisible or defined by inadequate or incorrect information. Typically, these groups include marginalised sections of society – women, racially oppressed people, LGBTQ+ communities, disabled individuals, the elderly, youth, and those living in poverty. These people are ‘unlucky’ because of their birth into undervalued groups within society. The roles for both groups are imposed through socialisation without their awareness or consent, leading to dehumanisation.

First socialisation

From the moment we are born, we begin to be influenced by those we love and trust the most, typically our families who raise us. These are the people who shape our self-awareness, the principles and guidelines we are expected to adhere to, the roles we are assigned, our future aspirations, and our ambitions. They act as role models, teaching us how to behave. For instance, individuals might hear “Boys don’t cry”, “Girls should stay in their place”, or “Christianity is the true religion”. Importantly, these individuals often depend heavily on their parents or caregivers and lack the ability to think on their own, leading them to subconsciously adopt these perspectives. It is crucial to understand that they are not to be blamed. Parents and caregivers simply rely on their personal histories and may not have analysed what they are imparting, often unconsciously passing on what they were taught.

Institutional and cultural socialisation

As soon as people start attending school, visiting places of worship, going to medical facilities, playing on sports teams, and participating in similar activities, the sources of their social interactions increase rapidly. The majority of the messages they receive regarding how to behave, who they should admire or look down on, which rules to adhere to, the roles they should assume, the assumptions they should make, as well as their beliefs and thoughts, will likely either support or challenge what they have learnt at home. They might learn, for instance, about who gets special treatment or who is targeted negatively. Those who belong to groups that benefit from these rules may not realise the unfairness, while it is clear to those who are not part of these groups. People are bombarded with unchallenged and stereotypical messages that influence their thoughts and beliefs about themselves and others. Furthermore, this is intricately woven into every structural aspect of our culture, including media, language patterns, song lyrics, cultural practices, and more.

Enforcements

Individuals who challenge the ‘norm’ often face consequences for their independent thinking, while those who conform minimally benefit from being ignored for not causing disruption. At most, conformists gain rewards and privileges for upholding the status quo, such as access to higher positions, recognition, and acknowledgment for having ‘succeeded’, or being seen as exemplary members of their group, along with privileges that provide wealth, connections, or power. Those who oppose the conventional societal narratives are labelled agitators. If they belong to subordinate groups, they are used as proof of why this group is deemed inferior to the dominant group.

Results

The outcomes of this systematic education are harmful to everyone involved. Those with subordinate identities may feel anger, muted, low self-worth, high stress, hopelessness, and powerlessness. These emotions may lead to criminal behaviour and self-harm, frustration, mistrust, and dehumanisation. Through compliance with subordinate roles, they reinforce stereotypes, contribute to their own downfall, and maintain the oppressive system. This learnt powerlessness is often called internalised oppression because we have trained ourselves to be our own oppressors from within. Conversely, those with dominant identities may feel guilt from unearned advantages or oppressive actions, fear of retribution, pressure to support the system for self-preservation, and high stress levels. They may further have a lack of understanding of and separation from target groups, or a skewed perception of reality regarding how the world functions. By acting within their roles as agents and either being unaware or unwilling to disrupt the cycle, they sustain the oppressive system.

Actions

When people reach the outcomes of this cycle, they encounter the choice of their next action. It is easier to remain inactive and let the status quo continue.

The core at the centre of the cycle

Individuals are prevented from taking action owing to the fear and insecurity that have been instilled in them. They remain unaware and bewildered because of the myths and false information they have been subjected to. As a result, they are unable to confront a system that is so dominant and false information that is widespread. If their inner selves are filled with these negative influences, they will remain immobilised and continue to perpetuate the same cycle.

Direction for change

Some subordinates attempt to disrupt the cycle because their dissatisfaction has outweighed their comfort. If they do this individually or without coordination, they risk being pushed back into powerless roles. Should they embark on a new path, even with support from their allies who are part of the dominant group, they can foster their own optimism. Some members of the dominant group might choose to leverage their power and privilege to initiate change. When groups begin to empower themselves – by gaining deeper understanding about one another, shedding old myths and stereotypes, and challenging the established order – they undertake the challenging decision to break the cycle of socialisation.

2.4 Colonialism and post-colonialism

The concepts of ‘colonialism’ and ‘post-colonialism’ are discussed in this section to provide a framework for understanding the notion of ‘identity’. In a post-colonial country such as South Africa, the influence of colonialism is still felt in the way people think and behave. Colonialism and post-colonialism may also be used as lenses to investigate how people’s identities are shaped through history, power, and culture. As is the case with former settler colonies, South Africa, as a former colony of the Dutch and British, had to endure the imposition of language (i.e. Dutch and English), cultural and religious practices as well as social structures, which eventually led to the disruption and, to a large extent, the eradication of the heritage of colonised indigenous peoples. Efforts are now being made by indigenous peoples in a post-colonial South Africa to reclaim what has been taken away or erased. This includes their identities, which they, under colonial rule, were forced to denounce.

What does ‘identity’ mean in a colonial and post-colonial context? The word ‘identity’ is a socially constructed concept that can be used in a personal as well as a social sense. Tatum (2000: 9) contends that the concept of identity “is a complex one, shaped by individual characteristics, family dynamics, historical factors, and social and political contexts”.

Fearon (1999: n.p.) shares the same sentiment in this regard when he opines that the concept of “identity” is a “complicated and unclear concept”. He therefore concludes that the concept is currently used in both a personal and a social sense (Fearon, 1999: 2):

I argue that ‘identity’ is presently used in two linked senses, which may be termed ‘social’ and ‘personal’. In the former sense, an ‘identity’ refers simply to a social category, a set of persons marked by a label and distinguished by rules deciding membership and (alleged) characteristic features or attributes. In the second sense of personal identity, an identity is some distinguishing characteristic (or characteristics) that a person takes a special pride in or views as socially consequential but more-or-less unchangeable. Thus, ‘identity’ in its present incarnation has a double sense. It refers at the same time to social categories and to the sources of an individual’s self-respect or dignity.

He further argues that there is no “necessary linkage” between the two references of the word (Fearon, 1999: 2):

[T]here is no necessary linkage between these things. In ordinary language, at least, one can use ‘identity’ to refer to personal characteristics or attributes that cannot naturally be expressed in terms of a social category, and in some contexts certain categories can be described as ‘identities’ even though no one sees them as central to their personal identity. Nonetheless, ‘identity’ in its present incarnation reflects and evokes the idea that social categories are bound up with the bases (sic) of an individual’s self-respect. Arguably much of the force and interest of the term derives its implicit linkage of these two things.

For the purpose of this chapter, both references to the concept of ‘identity’, namely social and personal, will be considered. Although the practice of colonialisation has ended, its consequences are, to a large extent and up until today, still felt in post-colonial countries, as is noted in the following statement of the Human Rights Council (2023: 3) at its 54th session:

The ongoing legacies of colonialism has had a disproportionate impact on Indigenous peoples’ rights, cultures, and languages, as well as on their economic opportunities and prosperity.

Ghosh, Abdi and Naseem (2008: 58) define colonialism as:

[T]he temporal, systematic and opportunistic process of one country (usually a European country in the modern history of humanity) overtaking another country (in areas of what is now called the countries of the South or the ‘Third World’). The colonising country, by using its superior technological and administrative efficiency, forced the conquered lands to fully adhere to the new rules of the exploitation of their natural and human resources.

A similar definition is that of Ocheni and Nwankwo (2012: 46), who view colonialism as “the direct and overall domination of one country by another on the basis of state power being in the hands of a foreign power”. A more succinct definition is provided by the Merriam-Webster Dictionary (2025), outlining colonialism as the “control by one power over a dependent area or people”. Ocheni and Nwankwo (2012: 46) also distinguish two objectives of colonialism, namely “political domination” and the creation of possibilities to exploit the colonised country. When one nation, through force, conquers another and subjugates and exploits it, the coloniser’s language and cultural values are often forced upon the colonised people. This system of domination and exploitation, which has a long history extending back to antiquity, has a profound and lasting effect on the identities of those it subjugates. As such, the pervasive influence of colonial ideology is still noticeable in the post-colonial identities and cultural, political, economic, and social practices of the colonised people.

According to Marger (in Kortright, 2003: n.p.), the process of colonisation consists of the following phases: (i) colonisation begins with a forced, involuntary entry; (ii) the colonising power alters or destroys the indigenous culture; (iii) members of the colonised group tend to be governed by representatives of the dominate group; and (iv) a racist ideology buttresses the dominant–subordinate relationship.

The same process, as was the case with other colonised regions, unfolded in the South African context when the Europeans under the leadership of the Dutch navigator Jan (Johan Anthoniszoon) van Riebeeck (21 April 1619–18 January 1677) arrived at the southern tip of Africa on 6 April 1652. The British would later, in 1795, occupy the Cape, which officially became their colony in 1815. Van Riebeeck’s sole mission was to establish a halfway station at the Cape to “supply VOC ships on their way to Asia with fresh fruits, vegetables, meat and to enable sailors wearied by the sea to recuperate” (South African History Online, 2013a: n.p.), and not necessarily to conquer southern Africa. He would, however, in later years introduce the slave trade in South Africa.

The Dutch settlers systematically and gradually took over the land of the Khoikhoi. This “gradual dispossession” of the local Khoikhoi also led to the opening of “the area for European Settlement” (South African History Online, 2013a: n.p.). It would be the British who, under the leadership of Vice-Admiral Sir George Elphinstone, invaded the Cape Colony in 1795. This invasion was prompted by the British Empire’s desire to take control of the Cape in view of France’s annexation of the Dutch Republic. By doing so, the British would use the Cape as a base against the French and also ensure that they had control over the sea route to the East (South African Government, 2025).

During a second invasion in 1806, the British would reoccupy the Cape during the Battle of Blaauwberg and subjugate its inhabitants to their rule of law. This occupation lasted until 1910 when South Africa was declared the Union of South Africa. The British replaced Dutch as the language of administration with English, while also substituting the rijksdaalder (Dutch currency) with the pound sterling. They further waged wars against the African citizens and drove them beyond the Great Fish River, which they regarded as the eastern border of the Cape Colony. These actions of the British could therefore be seen as the imposition of their own cultural, political, and social systems on the South African people. As such, the indigenous languages, cultural practices, customs, and traditions were regarded as inferior to the British coloniser’s culture and were therefore disregarded.

One could argue that such actions had a profound effect on the identities of the colonised people because they had to relinquish their languages, cultural practices, and customs. The inhabitants of South Africa were compelled to follow a novel and alien lifestyle imposed by the colonisers. Not only did colonialism impact the lives of South Africans, but it also led to “racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and intolerance” (Human Rights Council, 2023: 3). In their efforts to subjugate the colonised people, the colonisers also imposed a racial stratification system in which they claimed a position at the top of the strata and the colonised people settling at the bottom. Such a stratification system impacted the latter’s self-esteem, self-worth, and self-perception, leading them to suffer an identity crisis. In his article, ‘Identity in the Colonial Lands: A Critical Overview of the Post-colonial Studies’, Serap Türkmen (2003: 189–190) provides the following apt analogy about identity in a colonial and post-colonial context:

… one of the indispensable components of colonialism if we consider colonialism as a body; identity constitutes its spirit while the economic exploitation is its corporal body. The coloniser coming to the virgin lands with the feeling of colonial desire and obsession to have cheap profit in his heart finds himself ready to defame the inhabitants, regard them as “the other”.

These sentiments encapsulate the identity crisis the colonised people had to grapple with and it also links to the psychosocial effects of identity alteration and conformation that they had to endure – “the true identities of the subjugated native populations were wilfully altered so the people who were exploited would conform to the imperial project that had been designed for them” (Ghosh et al., 2008: 58).

If it were not enough that the colonised people had to conform to alien imperialists’ norms and standards, they also had to contend with derogatory labelling and stereotyping for specific purposes, which had an adverse effect on their identities, as explained by Ghosh et al. (2008: 58) in the following statement:

[T]he falsity of the colonialism-constructed identities where all the derogatory labels (savages, uncivilized, lazy, irrational, uneducated, untrustworthy, unreliable, unpredictable, etc.) were fabricated by colonial powers, was primarily designed to achieve two important objectives in the overall project of colonisation. The first was to justify the conquest and subsequent exploitation of foreign lands, and the second was to induce in the native population a self-unworthiness so these become willing participants in their marginalization and attached mass deprivations.

Ocheni and Nwankwo (2012: 48) opine that the colonists used several strategies to achieve their imperial objectives, namely “forced labour, taxation, monetization of the economy, and payment of low wages”. All these strategies were used to oppress and keep the colonised people dependent on and at the mercy of the colonisers. Not only did colonialism impact the identities of the colonised people, but it also led to “racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia, and intolerance” (Human Rights Council, 2023: 3), which is still felt in post-colonial societies.

The current post-colonial era, which followed colonial rule, is still characterised by the colonised people’s struggle to construct their identities and to find themselves. Colonised South Africans have been engaged in a bitter struggle to achieve political freedom, which eventually happened in 1994 with the first democratic elections and the election of the first Black president. This freedom was only partially achieved since the majority of South Africans did not get economic freedom which would have uplifted them from poverty and suffering. They are still struggling to rid themselves of the psychological scars of colonialism, as well as the legacy of an apartheid system that was in place pre-1994. A typical example is the preferential treatment of English in South Africa. This may be regarded as the legacy of the British colonisers who ensured that English was promoted among the colonised people. This anglicisation began in earnest a few months after the outbreak of the South African War, when Lord Alfred Milner was the High Commissioner of the Cape Colony. In his study, titled Lord Milner and South Africa: The failure of Anglicisation, 1900–1905’, Frank J. Tascione (1977: ii) expresses this as follows:

A few months after the start of the Boer War, England officially began an anglicization program aimed at establishing the English culture in a position of dominance in South Africa. Alfred Lord Milner was the prime mover of this effort which lasted until his departure from the South African political scene in 1905.

Although Milner’s efforts were partially successful – they were met with great resistance after the war, especially from within the ranks of the Afrikaner people – they also failed because of the great depression in South Africa resulting from a labour shortage, as was noted by Tascione (1977: iii): “… an economic depression in South Africa caused by a labour shortage, and bitter anti-British sentiment by the Afrikaners, all led to the ultimate failure of anglicization.” Language can be used as a powerful tool by colonisers to influence the mindsets of the colonised people, as was observed by Ngugi wa Thiong’o (in Kgatla, 2018: 150) in the following statement: “[L]anguage is the most potent instrument in the hands of the colonisers to capture the mind of the colonised.”

Given Milner’s efforts, the British imperial machinery wanted to achieve just that, namely “to capture the mind of the colonised”. English in South Africa is therefore still viewed as a language of intelligence and advancement; hence its official status as the language of use by the South African government. It is also regarded as the language of business. This state of affairs merely perpetuated colonialist thinking, where the colonised people’s languages were disregarded and marginalised, as observed by De Swaan (2023: 2):

In South Africa, until the transition, Afrikaans and English continued to function as the languages of law, politics, business, and higher education, without much regard for the many indigenous languages that were spoken outside the corridors of power.

2.5 Conclusion

The issue of identity in colonial and post-colonial contexts is complex and is affected by several factors such as culture, history, and society. What can be said with certainty is that the colonial encounter has had a profound impact on the identity formation of those who suffered under colonialism, to such an extent that its ramifications are still felt by new generations of descendants. While steps have been taken since 1994 to promote and revitalise colonised cultures and traditions in South Africa, there is still a need for continued support and investment to ensure the preservation and growth of important cultural assets and practices. Since the dawn of the South African democratic dispensation in 1994, there has also been a resurgence in efforts among the affected people themselves to revitalise and rearticulate their identities. These efforts have also been boosted by the United Nations Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in 1994.

1.10 Heading level 1 running over multiple lines to check how indentation could possibly work

The issue of identity in colonial and post-colonial contexts is complex and is affected by several factors such as culture, history, and society. What can be said with certainty is that the colonial encounter has had a profound impact on the identity formation of those who suffered under colonialism, to such an extent that its ramifications are still felt by new generations of descendants. While steps have been taken since 1994 to promote and revitalise colonised cultures and traditions in South Africa, there is still a need for continued support and investment to ensure the preservation and growth of important cultural assets and practices. Since the dawn of the South African democratic dispensation in 1994, there has also been a resurgence in efforts among the affected people themselves to revitalise and rearticulate their identities. These efforts have also been boosted by the United Nations Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in 1994.

1.10.1 Heading level 2 running over multiple lines to check how indentation could possibly work

The issue of identity in colonial and post-colonial contexts is complex and is affected by several factors such as culture, history, and society. What can be said with certainty is that the colonial encounter has had a profound impact on the identity formation of those who suffered under colonialism, to such an extent that its ramifications are still felt by new generations of descendants.

1.10.1.1 Heading level 3 running over multiple lines to check how indentation could possibly work

The issue of identity in colonial and post-colonial contexts is complex and is affected by several factors such as culture, history, and society. What can be said with certainty is that the colonial encounter has had a profound impact on the identity formation of those who suffered under colonialism, to such an extent that its ramifications are still felt by new generations of descendants.

Heading 4 test

Given Milner’s efforts, the British imperial machinery wanted to achieve just that, namely “to capture the mind of the colonised”..

Heading 5 test

Given Milner’s efforts, the British imperial machinery wanted to achieve just that, namely “to capture the mind of the colonised”..

Heading 6 test

Given Milner’s efforts, the British imperial machinery wanted to achieve just that, namely “to capture the mind of the colonised”..

Lists tests

The following are important to day to day living:

1. Air
2. Water
3. Food
4. Given Milner’s efforts, the British imperial machinery wanted to achieve just that, namely “to capture the mind of the colonised

The following are important to day to day living:

1. Air
2. Water
1. Bottle vs
2. Tapped
1. SA
2. The world
3. Food
4. Given Milner’s efforts, the British imperial machinery wanted to achieve just that, namely “to capture the mind of the colonised

The following are important to day to day living:

• Air
• Water
• Bottle vs
• Tapped
• SA
• The world
• Food
• Given Milner’s efforts, the British imperial machinery wanted to achieve just that, namely “to capture the mind of the colonised

Tabs test

A Apple

B Banana

C Carrots and multiple other things that may continue this list over two lines

D Dog

A	Apple
B	Banana
C	Carrots and multiple other things that may continue this list over two lines
D	Dog

1.99 Tables in action

Table 3.1 Demographic details of participants

Name (pseudonym)	Race	Gender	Home language	DOB
Gabriella	White	Female	Afrikaans	1959
Vince	Coloured	Male	Afrikaans	1961
Reatlegile	Black	Female	Setswana	1962
Morwamocha	Black	Male	Setswana	1964
Phoenix	Coloured	Male	English	1965
Christel	White	Female	Afrikaans	1966
Sonny	Black	Female	isiXhosa	1966
Star	Black	Female	Afrikaans	1969
Stephanie	Coloured	Female	English	1970
Joseph	Black	Male	Setswana	1992
Pieter	White	Male	Afrikaans	1995
Deolene	Coloured	Female	Afrikaans	1996
Sharlene	Black	Female	Afrikaans	1996